The Times, London
QUAKERS AND IRELAND A Tour of Investigation Distrust of British Government A month ago the Society of Friends decided to send a deputation of its members to discover for themselves the truth about Ireland. The deputation included the Right and Left Wings of opinion in the Society, and also the present Clerk of the Yearly Meeting— representing the Centre. Miss Edith Ellis (sister of Lady Parmoor) can be described as being the Left; Mr. Roger Clark—a grandson of John Bright—the Centre; and Mr. John H. Barlow— Chairman of the recent All Friends Conference—calls himself of the Right. And certainly he is not the kind of person to bo carried away by his feelings. His keen face, suggesting the successful lawyer, and his balanced judgment combine to inspire confidence in men of all shades of opinion. The deputation returned last week, and presented their report. It was read at the Executive Committee of the Society of Friends by Mr. Clark, but it was Mr. Barlow's comments thereon that produced the most profound impression. I had an opportunity after the meeting of having some talk with two members of the deputation, and learned, in the detached atmosphere of a quiet room, that the almost lurid pictures drawn by Mr. Barlow were studiously moderate. The investigation covered a period of 14 days. The visitors had 55 interviews, and the people seen represented every shade of Irish opinion—Members of the Sinn Fein Cabinet, Unionists, Quakers of North, South, and East Ireland, Labour leaders, Belfast and Dublin employers, the Moderator of the Presbyterian Church, the Grand Master of one of the chief Orange Lodges, and a Catholic Bishop. And there was everywhere, among every shade of political and religious opinion, a profound distrust of the British Government. "It is clear," said Mr. Barlow, "that it is useless for this Government to make any offer to Ireland. It must present the Irish people with a <i>fait accompli</i>, and so far as we can judge the following seems the best, indeed, almost the only way out of the impasse: The gift of a liberal measure of self-government with independent fiscal control, with the prompt withdrawal of the military and the armed police, would be taken as a definite act of good faith. I believe there is hope in this direction, but action must be prompt and decisive. Tempers are hardening, and the chance of doing something that will save the situation is slipping past. Ex-Unionists and Protestants believe that under these circumstances order and good government could be restored." The terms of reference guiding the deputation included the discovery of methods of relief, reconstruction and reconciliation possible between the two countries. On relief and reconstruction there is little, as yet, to report. There are opportunities for reconciliation, but the way is particularly difficult. The Irish people feel that England does not care, and the hatred of the Government may spread to hatred of the English people. "As Friends," Mr. Barlow said, "we must deplore the violence and the bloodshed on both sides. As English citizens we mast surely feel chiefly the shame of the direct responsibility of our Government for the policy of reprisals by the so-called Black and Tans, led by their officers. Town after town is burned and women and children are driven terror-stricken into the fields and woods to seek safety at night." I saw,"continued Mr. Barlow, "the ruins of Limerick— labelled 'The Work of the R.I.C.,' 'The Work of the Black and Tans.' The houses had not been burned, but every window -had been smashed, and every article of household furniture broken and destroyed. And on the walls of the surrounding streets one read and understood the feeling that prompted the writing, 'Sorrow to England,' and similar inscriptions." The deputation visited Dublin, Belfast, Lisburn, Limerick, the " shot up " villages of Ennistymjon, Lahinch, and Milltown Malbay. The first of these was still smouldering, and "Mr. Barlow told how he heard from one of the inhabitants how the body of one of those who had been shot was thrown into the flames by the frenzied raiders. "And it must be remembered," he went on, "that the English Government does not govern over 80 per cent, of Ireland. Agricultural and other Commissions have been appointed by Sinn Fein, and on these Commissions prominent Unionists are serving, and it is generally admitted that the only protection the people enjoy—moderate men, Unionists and Protestants alike—is from the Sinn Fein police, who see that their meetings are free from interruption, their stolen goods are recovered, blackmailers are punished, and the licensing laws rigorously enforced. And yet it is a penal offence for those carrying out this work of maintaining order to act in this capacity. "Amidst all the tragedy and horror of the situation one finds a gleam of hope in the irrepressible humour of the Irish people. One woman, whose house had been raided on five successive nights by the police and military, and had had her belongings thoroughly ransacked, at last appealed to the officer in charge. 'Shure, tell me what it is you're lookin’ for,' she said, 'and I'll buy it for you, and you can have it when you come to-morrow night.' " A people who can smile through their tears like that can be won, but the way to win them is nearly closed. MAURICE WHITLOW
The report written by the deputation as printed in The Times.   •   More John Henry Barlow resources.
Digitisation by Roger W Haworth (email and website) to whom errors should be reported, please.